老側譯者序:老側偶像一行禪師已於本月初到港,老側心情興奮之餘,特意以此帖向本部落粉絲介紹一封馬丁‧路德‧金(Martin Luther King, Jr.)於1967年1月寫給諾貝爾學院的一封信。

此信的目的,是要提名一行禪師為當年(1967年)的諾貝爾和平獎的得獎者。馬丁‧路德‧金何許人也?此君乃二十世紀美國的黑人民權運動領袖,於1964年獲頒諾貝爾和平獎。他於1963年8月28日發表著名演講《我有一個夢想》(I Have a Dream),引起美國社會強烈的反響,美國國會終於在1964年通過《民權法案》,宣佈種族隔離和歧視政策為非法政策。令人唏噓的是,馬丁‧路德‧金英年早逝,於1968年4月4日在田納西州的孟菲斯領導罷工運動時,被人開槍殺害,死時年僅39歲。

馬丁‧路德‧金並非佛教徒。相反,他是基督新教的牧師。因此,其提名佛教禪師釋一行(Thích Nhất Hạnh)為諾貝爾和平獎得獎者之舉,就更顯其胸襟。此外,此舉亦顯示早於上世紀六十年代,一行禪師已在非佛教界的社會活動家和思想家中享有崇高的聲望。(另一例證是約同一時期天主教教士托馬斯.默頓(Thomas Merton)對美國民眾寫下的一篇名為《一行是我的兄弟》》(Nhat Hanh Is My Brother)的聲明。老側曾在本部落介紹此文章,並將之翻譯成中文:https://lamtinchi.wordpress.com/2010/07/24/%e7%bf%bb%e8%ad%af%e6%96%87%e7%ab%a0%ef%bc%9a%e3%80%8a%e4%b8%80%e8%a1%8c%e6%98%af%e6%88%91%e7%9a%84%e5%85%84%e5%bc%9f%e3%80%8b%ef%bc%88nhat-hanh-is-my-brother%ef%bc%89/。)

諾貝爾委員會於1967年並無頒發諾貝爾和平獎予任何人或任何機構,故馬丁‧路德‧金的提名行動得不到預期結果。今年初,國際上特別是佛教徒之間曾有人發起提名一行禪師為2010年諾貝爾和平獎得獎者,老側亦有簽名參與這一行動,惟2010年諾貝爾和平獎最終頒發給中國民運人士劉曉波。一行禪師為得道高僧,對於是否得獎當必不放在心上,甚至可能根本對有關提名行動毫不在意。然凡夫如老側者,有感禪師過去超過半個世紀在弘揚佛法及宣揚人類互愛上所作的努力,當然希望禪師獲頒諾貝爾和平獎,亦覺得他當之無愧。事實是,早於1967年,馬丁‧路德‧金就有這樣的看法。本部落粉絲只要花點精神,看一下提名信的譯文或原文,即可知曉其此一看法的依據何在。

《致諾貝爾學院的一封信》譯文:

1967年1月25日
挪威奧斯陸Drammesnsveien 19號
諾貝爾學院

先生們:

作為1964年諾貝爾和平獎得主,現在我懷着喜悅的心提名釋一行為1967年和平獎的獲獎人。

個人而言,我不知道還有誰比這位溫文爾雅的越南和尚更應獲得這諾貝爾和平獎。

倘若這獎項頒授予一行法師,今年就將成為特別吉祥的一年。一行法師倡導和平及非暴力,卻被人殘忍地將他和他的同胞分隔開,他的同胞們經受着戰爭的摧殘,而這場殘酷的戰爭已經對全世界的理性和安全構成威脅。

由於諾貝爾和平獎所享有的榮譽是無可匹配的,因此,要是將這獎項頒授予一行,此舉本身將是一次最有意義的和平行動,提醒所有國家,心地良善的人是隨時準備引領爭鬥中的人離開仇恨和毀滅的深淵的。此舉將喚醒人們重新認識有關和平帶給人類美好和關愛的教導。此舉也將有助重燃人們對建立公義與和諧新秩序的希望。

我認識釋一行。能夠稱他為我的朋友,是我的榮幸。請允許我在這裏向您介紹一些我對他的所知。您將在這個人身上,看到一系列令人驚嘆的能力和興趣。

一行謙遜、虔誠,是一位聖者。他是才智過人的學者,有十本已出版的著作。他也是看透世間、慈悲為懷的詩人。宗教哲學是他的學問領域。他協助創立梵行大學,並在這所位於西貢的佛教大學出任宗教哲學教授並主持其社會研究學院。這位令人驚嘆的人亦是具影響力的佛教週刊Thien My的編輯,同時又是青年社會服務學校的校長。該越南學校訓練年青人為其國家實現和平復興而努力。

今天,釋一行可説是無家可歸、無國可回。他熱切希望能回到越南去,但倘若他回去,就會隨時喪失生命。他被極端殘暴地放逐出國,為的是他倡議將其和平信念帶給他的同胞。這情況是對越南的現況和那些令此現況持續下去的人一個悲劇性的註腳。

一章一章的越南歷史,記載着外國列強和本國腐敗富豪的剝削。即使到了今天,越南人還是活在苛政之下,吃不飽、住不好,終日苟存於現代戰爭給他們帶來的困苦和驚恐之中。

釋一行為脫離這惡夢提供了途徑,這途徑是具理性的領袖會接受的解決方法。他周遊各國,為政治家、宗教領袖、學者、作家提供意見,並尋求他們的幫助。他的和平理念倘若為世人所實踐,將能為世界大同、世界情誼、人類福祉豎立永久的典範。

我懷着最大的敬意向您建議,以世人公認的1967年諾貝爾和平獎的榮譽,支持釋一行所獻身的事業。釋一行將以感恩和謙遜的心承擔這莫大榮耀。

謹祝安好!

馬丁‧路德‧金

附:

(一)提名信原文:

January 25, 1967
The Nobel Institute
 Drammesnsveien 19 
Oslo, NORWAY

Gentlemen:

As the Nobel Peace Prize Laureate of 1964, I now have the pleasure of proposing to you the name of Thich Nhat Hanh for that award in 1967.

I do not personally know of anyone more worthy of the Nobel Peace Prize than this gentle Buddhist monk from Vietnam.

This would be a notably auspicious year for you to bestow your Prize on the Venerable Nhat Hanh. Here is an apostle of peace and non-violence, cruelly separated from his own people while they are oppressed by a vicious war which has grown to threaten the sanity and security of the entire world.

Because no honor is more respected than the Nobel Peace Prize, conferring the Prize on Nhat Hanh would itself be a most generous act of peace. It would remind all nations that men of good will stand ready to lead warring elements out of an abyss of hatred and destruction. It would re-awaken men to the teaching of beauty and love found in peace. It would help to revive hopes for a new order of justice and harmony.

I know Thich Nhat Hanh, and am privileged to call him my friend. Let me share with you some things I know about him. You will find in this single human being an awesome range of abilities and interests.

He is a holy man, for he is humble and devout. He is a scholar of immense intellectual capacity. The author of ten published volumes, he is also a poet of superb clarity and human compassion. His academic discipline is the Philosophy of Religion, of which he is Professor at Van Hanh, the Buddhist University he helped found in Saigon. He directs the Institute for Social Studies at this University. This amazing man also is editor of Thien My, an influential Buddhist weekly publication. And he is Director of Youth for Social Service, a Vietnamese institution which trains young people for the peaceable rehabilitation of their country.

Thich Nhat Hanh today is virtually homeless and stateless. If he were to return to Vietnam, which he passionately wishes to do, his life would be in great peril. He is the victim of a particularly brutal exile because he proposes to carry his advocacy of peace to his own people. What a tragic commentary this is on the existing situation in Vietnam and those who perpetuate it.

The history of Vietnam is filled with chapters of exploitation by outside powers and corrupted men of wealth, until even now the Vietnamese are harshly ruled, ill-fed, poorly housed, and burdened by all the hardships and terrors of modern warfare.

Thich Nhat Hanh offers a way out of this nightmare, a solution acceptable to rational leaders. He has traveled the world, counseling statesmen, religious leaders, scholars and writers, and enlisting their support. His ideas for peace, if applied, would build a monument to ecumenism, to world brotherhood, to humanity.

I respectfully recommend to you that you invest his cause with the acknowledged grandeur of the Nobel Peace Prize of 1967. Thich Nhat Hanh would bear this honor with grace and humility.

Sincerely,

Martin Luther King, Jr.

(二)《我有一個夢想》(I Have a Dream)原文:

I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.

Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.

But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. And so we’ve come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.

In a sense we’ve come to our nation’s capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the “unalienable Rights” of “Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.” It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked “insufficient funds.”

But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. And so, we’ve come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.

We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God’s children.

It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro’s legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.

But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.

The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.

We cannot walk alone.

And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead.

We cannot turn back.

There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, “When will you be satisfied?” We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as the negro’s basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can never be satisfied as long as our children are stripped of their self-hood and robbed of their dignity by signs stating: “For Whites Only.” We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until “justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream.”¹

I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. And some of you have come from areas where your quest — quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed.

Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends.

And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.

I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: “We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal.”

I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.

I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.

I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.

I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of “interposition” and “nullification” — one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.

I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight; “and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together.”2

This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with.

With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.

And this will be the day — this will be the day when all of God’s children will be able to sing with new meaning:

My country ’tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing.

Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim’s pride,

From every mountainside, let freedom ring!

And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.

And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.

Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York.

Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania.

Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.

Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California.

But not only that:

Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia.

Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.

Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi.

From every mountainside, let freedom ring.

And when this happens, when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God’s children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual:

                Free at last! Free at last!

                Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!