前前帖《毋忘六四(一):港人與昂山素姬對話記(三之一)》介紹了五月三十日星期一昂山素姬在其緬甸家中與香港大學一眾師生及公眾人士在香港大學的陸佑堂進行視像對話的第一部份,即昂山素姬的一篇講詞。惟該次視像對話的還有更精彩部份,就是昂山素姬回應不同人的提問。前帖《毋忘六四(一):港人與昂山素姬對話記(三之二)》登錄了首十條提問及昂山素姬的回答,本帖登錄餘下的提問及回答,供本部落粉絲瞭解昂山素姬的思想。下文中,Q代表問題,A代表昂山素姬的回答。問題及答案前的括弧內數字,表示其在錄像中的時間。粉絲欲看有關問題及答案的錄像(連結見附文一),可直接跳至該數字顯示的時間。

Q.11 (32:20) In the past 23 years, you have devoted all your time, your energy, your life to democracy. 23 years have already gone, do you still think that the military regime will give up their power, or will be willing share their power with the people? If you do, what makes you so optimistic? If you don’t, can you tell us what will be the next move?(提問人自報乃大律師一名,亦是公民黨創黨成員之一。)

A.11 (33:10) I do not think that most military regime are willing to give up their power, and I think it is our responsibility to make them see that it is in their best interest, not to the country alone, but to themselves as well, to give up the kinds of power that is not gaining respect with it. We want our military to understand that they would be very much more respected as a professional military if they do not oppress the people. What we’re trying is whatHong KongUniversity’s trying to do. We’re trying to educate people, and I think you have to educate those who do not want democracy to the virtue and the wisdom of democracy.

Q.12 (34:14) How can people inChinawhere there is no freedom of speech, etc. fight for their rights?(提問人自報乃Radio FreeAsia之一。)

A.12 (34:50) Although you say that there is no freedom of expression in China, I do hear of many China people expressing themselves, expressing what they think about politics, about economics, about social problems. So I think the Chinese people will find ways of creating freedom of expression. I think we all have to create our own freedom in the end, and the only thing I can say is that, if you are trying to achieve freedom inChina, you are not alone. Many people, all over the world who are trying to do the same thing are all with you. And in any case,Chinaas a big country with an enormous population, should be the vanguard of a movement like this.

Q.13  (35:57) 一段長近一分鐘的廢話 (36:41) Western people also improving relationship withBurma, which side do you take? After all, we all have to take sides.此題提問者看來是潛伏在港大的大陸憤青。發問時,他手拿寫好的東西照讀,以其蹩腳英語朗讀講述緬甸戰略的印文。終於,主持人陳祖為教授代表全體忍耐不住的在場人士著此憤青簡短說出其問題,此君才語無倫次說出了此一問題,其意思大概就是在西方與中國兩者之間,昂山素姬會取哪一方、捨哪一方。對於這樣一個語無倫次的問題,若是要老側作答,肯定先詛咒此憤青一番,但昂山素姬則仍能心平氣和地作出極有見地的回答,其功力實在令人敬佩。)

A.13 (36:56)  No, I don’t think so. I don’t think we all have to take sides. And if I have to take side, I’ll take side with human rights, because human rights belong to people all over the world. And I think, I must make a point, thatChinais our neighbour.Chinawill always beBurma’s neighbour, for as long as this world lasts. So our relationship withChinawill be a special one of neighbours. So our relationship with Western countries, which have been trying to help us to achieve democracy, will be a different kind of relationship of friendship, based on shared values of democracy. So I don’t think we have to make it either or. We can be friends with the West, and we can be friends withChina, each in its own special way. (昂山素姬的回答,贏得滿堂掌聲。)

Q.14 (37:50)  You have been advocating non-violence as a means of achieving democratic government. But regretably, it has very little effect on the military government. Recently we saw successes of people’s revolution inTunisiaandEgypt. To what extent do you think their experience can be adopted in your political campaign inBurma? 提問人自報乃學校校長。)

A. 14 (38:22)  We of course study the situation in theMiddle Eastvery, very carefully. We have to wait to see how things really pent up, because the Egyptian and Tunisian revolutions still haven’t come to a conclusion. We don’t know where they are really leading. Now with regard to non-violence, many people have said that, for me non-violence is a matter of morality. It is not. It is a matter of politics. Quite simply, because inBurmathe change in government, regime change, has been brought up with violent means over a long period, and we want to put a stop to this vicious cycle. That is why we have chosen the path of non-violence. We want to putBurmainto a situation where political change can be brought about without violence.

Q.15 (39:23)  Is there anything that you have done in the political world between 1988 and 2010 that you regret doing? (提問者乃一外貌為南亞裔少女,自報就讀於佐治五世學校。)

A.15 (39:43)  Politically, no. I don’t think I have done anything terrible politically. The only thing I can say is that we should have tried to get democracy quicker, but we have done our best. Apart from that, I don’t think we have done anything really bad politically.

Q.16 (40:04)  My question for you is one from the heart: what makes you happy? (提問者自報乃教育及藝術工作者。)

A.16 (40:18)  What makes me happy? Very small things make me happy. I’ve learnt to be happy with small things, such as the ability to go to bed early one day. I think to myself: Ha! I’m going to bed early today. And that makes me happy. I think that one of the things you have to learn is to live the kind of life I do. You have to learn to be happy with little things, and to treasure them as parts of life.

Q.17 (40:52)  I was inMyanmarlast month. I talked with some of the colonels[?} in the military government, and I did not see anything wrong, except that I could not check the email and of course went [sic] to Facebook in the hotel. My question is very simple and maybe very straightforward: What would be the political and economical system that would be most beneficial toMyanmar?提問者自報乃港大畢業生。此君之提問,乃說廢話多於說正話的典型例子。其真正提問僅為最後一句,而之前的說話除了要顯示其有與緬甸軍人政府中人交談之特權外,老側看不出與問題本身有何關連。在酒店中也不能上互聯網看電郵及入 Facebook,還能說是 did not see anything wrong,這簡直是麻木不仁。五月下旬老側往揚州及南京一遊,中間經歷老側的生日,從 Gmail 得知多名好友在Facebook上向老側祝賀生日,老側卻不能進入Facebook向此等友人道謝,自然對此種封鎖言論自由及民眾間通訊自由之做法非常不滿及鄙視。此人居然說這樣的政權沒有什麽不妥,實在討厭。此外,其發問時雙臂環抱之輕佻身體語言,也令老側厭惡。)

A.17 (41:33)  First of all I must say that I envy you for being able to talk to Kernel (???). This is something we have been trying to do for a long, long time. What is the kind of political system that will be the best forBurma? I believe in an open market economy. I believe in certain economic freedom, which would allow our people to develop economically as well as politically. But this is something that cannot be worked out overnight. We all have many, many economic advisers, but sometimes their advice is not really practicable, and sometimes the best advice cannot be implemented quickly enough to suit the situation of the country. So this is something that we have to take step by step, but, basically, I believe in a free-market economy.

Q.18 (42:28)  As you look ahead to the future, what do you see is the most important thing that needs to change inBurma, so that the poorest people living there can see their lives advance, and they can move out of poverty? (提問者自報乃來自 ??? Foundation,相信是一濟貧組織。)

A.18 (42:50)  I’m an admirer of professor ??? ??? in development of freedom, and I think it only be developing freedom itself that we can help our people to get out of poverty. It’s not something that we can do simply by looking to the development side of equation. But, I’m very glad to speak to somebody who is involved with the ??? Bank. It ??? they have been trying hard to a small, a micro-finance program to help the poorest of our people. We think that this is one way forward, but only one way forward. Basically, we need to develop freedom and economic opportunities at the same time. (此段頗多老側聽不出昂山素姬說什麽之處。粉絲們如能聽得出文中打 ??? 的說話為何,請告知老側,以便補上有關空白。)

 Q.19 (43:42)  Do you yourself have contacts with the Chinese government? And, if you do, what messages do you send toBeijing? (提問者自報來自南華早報。)

A.19 (43:58)  No, unfortunately we do not have contact with the Chinese government. We’ve tried very hard. Some of the members of the NLD have always tried to approachChina’s diplomats, but they somehow seem to be able to evade our people quite successfully. I wish they wouldn’t do that. I wish they would talk to us. I wish that the Chinese diplomats inBurmalet the NLD get closer to them. Perhaps,Hong KongUniversitycan pass on this message. (昂山素姬回答中提到的政黨名字,老側其實聽得不太清楚,但估計是指 NLD,即她領導的 National League for Democracy。)

Q.20 (44:36)   W’e’re approaching the 22nd anniversary of the Tian’anmen Massacre, and it seems like the situation is getting worse from the perspective that we’re looking fromHong Kong. From the perspective of China, why do you think the Chinese government is so afraid, or why are they taking these actions of putting a lot of people in the democracy movement or the human rightists to jail or to custody? And the second part of this question is that people who are supporting the movement inHong Kongfor a long time, it seems that a lot people are feeling some sort of powerlessness, things are not moving to the right direction, actually regressing. Would you please give a message to those people inHong Kongwho are supporting this movement? (提問者自報乃日本財經報章Nikkei之人。)

A.20 (45:39)  I think this is not the impression that we get. Of course at the moment because China is making such progress economically that there seems to be less interest on the political side, but I think things will change, because in the end, people will want to be secure, and ??? on security, and security in that sense means that certain rights have to be assured. Security rights all lead up to one thing: democracy and human rights. So I do not think you should despair. And it is not our impression that situation is regression, so much that, for the time being, the Chinese people are so interested in economic progress that they have not quite looked at the political side of the matter. I think that ???.

Q.21 (46:44)  In 1989, students inChinagathered inBeijing’sTian’anmen Squaredemanding for democracy. But they got cracked down on June 4th. Do you see similarities between the June 4th Massacre and your fight for democracy? (提問者自報乃來自蘋果日報。)

A.21 (47:04)  I don’t think that it is very surprising that long-established authoritarian regimes to resist cause for democracy. This just happens all over the world. You can see it happening in theMiddle Eastnow. But that does not mean that we inBurmaandChinaare in any way ??? peculiar because these things have happened in our country. These are sad of them. These are not the things that we’ll look back to as high points in our history. But these are troubles that have to be overcome, and these are processes that we have to get through in order to get the way we want to, with a lot of hard work. I don’t think we would get anywhere by just sitting and wishing for it.  We’ve got to work to get what we want.

Q.22 (48:12)  After working with different NGOs back in the United States with Burmese refugees, what messages would you give to refugees living in overseas that are experiencing hardships on a daily basis, and have expressed wanting to even be back to refugee camps where the basis needs are ???, and what advice would you give to them to remain hopeful and peaceful instead of resorting to violence in order to meet their needs?

A.22 (48:52)  I think they have to learn to ride the challenges that life throws at them. Life in the refugee camps is hard. Now their life in their new country is hard in a different way. They’ve simply got to learn to cope with it. I know that it’s not done as easy as said, but I’m sure they have many organizations and many individuals who are helping them to cope with the situation. I always think that challenges are interesting, and they are there to help you to become a stronger person. Perhaps the experiences they have gone through have made them more fearful of facing what is new and strange. So we have to teach them to free themselves from their fear. This is one of the main themes of our struggle: to free ourselves from our fear.

Q.23 (49:54)  Given the recent Arab Spring Movement received considerable Western military support, would you feel that the same level of external support/intervention is possible forMyanmarin this situation? Is this something that you personally want to see for this current situation inBurma? (提問者乃一年青美女,自報為港大法律系學生。)

A.23 (50:21)  I can’t find and don’t think there will be any external military invention or action for the vastBurma, and it’s not something that we particular want. What we want to achieve is national conciliation to a negotiated settlement, and this is what we are trying to convince the new government of, that if it’s something that they could not do as a military regime, surely they could do this as an elected government, even if we have to question the way in which the elections were held. This is an opportunity, and we would like the present government to take this opportunity offered to them, to show that we do not need violence in order to change.

Q.24 (51:23) My name is Paul Cheung. I’m a professor atUniversityofHong Kong. I have a very simple questioned [sic]. You are the icon ofBurma. What is your succession planed [sic]? You…are you…What is your strategy in finding your successor or your successors who become icons ofBurmafor the cause and movement that you’re trying to achieve? (提問者自報乃港大教授。老側聽了此人提問之內容及其英語水平,並看了此人之發問時之輕佻態度,不得不為港大有如此教授而替港大感到惋惜,也為香港納稅人被迫供養這種人當港大教授感到悲哀。)

A.24 (51:53)  First of all, I haven’t been happy about the word “icon”. I think of a ??? sitting there doing nothing at all. In my opinion I’ve worked very, very hard. So what I want to do is to make our younger leaders also work very, very hard and who are brave enough to face new challenges. What we want to is to teach them to cope with whatever life throws at them, and this is the way in which they can learn to be leaders.

Q.25 (52:26)  I’m an independent writer inHong Kong. I interviewed you in your residence in1995 inMyanmar. … My question is simple. Youth unemployment is a big problem in many countries. Is this a problem inMyanmar? Are you doing something to solve this problem? You said in your speech that you have set up a fund to help more businessmen. Can foreigners invest in that fund?

A.25 (53:03)  Of course youth unemployment is a great problem inBurmaas well. We’ve been trying to do everything we possibly can to help our youths forward, first of all, by capacity building, by giving them as much education as is possibly can under the circumstances, and also by trying to start up little projects in which they can be involved. We do not have a fund here inBurmafor our youth projects, but we’re trying to work towards it. We know that one of the problems inBurmais that to be an NGO, you have to be registered, and the registration, of course, comes from the government. So unless the government approves the ??? as a social or humanitarian organization, you cannot get a formal registration. These are one of the many obstacles we have to overcome, if we’re to help our youth properly.

Q.26 (54:09)  We’ve talked today about your country’s relationship withChina. I’m wondering how you’re working with the world’s largest democracy,India, and, what’s next in terms of that relationship. (提問者自報來自  Time Magazine。)

A.26 (54:25)  I’ve been very frank about this fact that we have been disappointed with India. It feels sad thatIndia, which was always a very good friend toBurmaand to the people ofBurma, now does not seem to be as much concerned about our fate as we would wish them to be. Of course there are many reasons to this, but we would likeIndiato think back to the days when our two countries worked together to achieve independence when the leaders of our countries were close to each other personally and politically. And, I would like them to believe that the time will come when this kind of cooperation will be to the benefit of both countries.

Q.27 (55:23)  You talked aboutBurma’s relationship with the rest of the world.Burmais a member of ASEAN and also the United Nations, and there has been some dialogue. Do you see any hope at going forward, with either of those organizations in terms of progress for some of the objectives that we all want to achieve, and if not, do you see any other ways of approaching them?

A.27 (56:00)  Yes, I do see hope. ASEAN is taking a greater interest in the internal, or what they used to call the internal sets of Burmanard (???) than they ever used to, and we, the democratic opposition, have closer links, many more links with the ASEAN countries now than we used to in the past. So there is very much reasons for hope. With regard to the United Nations, of course it’s made up of many, many nations, so in order to achieve consensus, it’s very difficult. But we always think that there is hope, for example, they started quite recently the United Nations Human Rights Council that came up with a resolution, which is very strong and which we were happy about. It was rather unexpected that such a strong, clear resolution with regard to the new changes inBurma. So therefore we are pretty hopeful. But in my view I always say “no hope without endeavour”. You want a hope, you’ve got to work very hard. Otherwise, ???, it’s no more than a ???.

Q.28 (57:10)  You’ve been talking about the virtues of democracy. At the time when the democraticUnited Statesis widely seen to be in decline, and the undemocraticChinais rising inevitably. Do you feel that the future of democracy in the world may be in question? That is to say, will some countries feel that the Chinese model works better for them than the American model?(提問者是 Q.3 提問者秦家聰。)

A.28 (57:46) I think what they’re talking now these days is about economic progress. First, the economic progress thatChinais making is incredible, and we’re all very impressed by it, and we would also like our country to improve economically at such a rate. But on the other hand, I think we cannot ignore the social problems that have been arising as well. We inBurmaare aware of this. Let me mention something which perhaps is more widely known inBurmaand in China than in Hong Kong. Many girls in the north ofBurmahave been involved in the human trafficking record, because there’re many men inChinawho need wives, and they cannot get Chinese wives. So they buy those inBurmato be their wife. This is a big social problem. It is just one I mentioned, because it touches us so closely. So I do not think we can just look at the economic progress thatChinahas been making, and say, this is the way we want the world to go. I’ve said earlier, I have great admirations ofChina, it’s a great country with a great history and a people who are so capable, and so intelligent and so hardworking, but I think we have to be a lot more open-minded than we would be if we just look at the economic aspects ofChina. And I must also say a word about theUnited States. Yes, it has many problems. But because it’s a democracy, there are many ways in which people could get involved to try to solve the problems.

Q.29  (59:32)  Intrigued by an opening remark in your speech, where you said you think that people should not be categorized as good or evil, why so stupid, but as learners or non-learners, I’m wondering how you would describe the military leaders who had put you under house arrest for more than twenty years and also imprisoned so many student activists. ? (提問者乃主持人陳祖為教授。)

A.29 (1:00:06)  I would say they’re not very fast learners! I think we have to be very patient and I think they’ll take time to learn. But everything that any of us can do to help them to be better, quicker learners will be a great future accomplishment (???).

Q.30 (1:01:12)  You asked the democracy pursuitors to keep up their faith. I’m wondering whether you, as a Buddhist, whether your faith has any part to play to uphold your noble ideals.  (提問者自報乃港大舊生。)

A.30 (1:01:44)  Yes, Buddhism helps me a great deal. I was born a Buddhist. But I don’t think we’re born good Buddhists. I think we have to work at it. And I have come to respect Buddhist philosophy really deeply during these years of house arrest and detention. By now I have had time to meditate, and to learn to know myself. Buddhism, like any other really good educational process, is all about learning to know yourself: what you are as a human being, and what you’re capable of as a human being. And that helps a great deal.

Q.31 (1:02:33)  Will there be a day that you come to Hong Kong or Beijing to delivery a speech to students face to face?  (提問者自報乃來自內地的學生。)

A.31 (1:02:48)  Oh I’d choose to, especially to Beijing, not because there is anything of Hong Kong University I don’t admire deeply, but of course you know what a significance of my giving a speech to, say Beijing University, would be. I very much would like to see that day very soon in the future.

Q.32 (1:03:14)  I’m a student from HKU, studying Social Sciences. I recognize that education is important, especially for the learners who want to know more about current issues. However, in Hong Kong, especially some of the people do not have interests in current issues on politics, while there is a lot of criticisms about nationalism education being imposed inHong Kong. Is this a bad way that the students cannot know what is democracy and what is the good thing about democracy, especially after the implementation of nationalism education?  (老側不大聽懂此君之提問,只好全程錄下其問題,供粉絲們自行理解。惟不得不佩服昂山素姬,居然能在聽完問題後隨即回答。)

A.32 (1:03:51)  I think any education that is narrow cannot really be as good as an education that is broad. And I think you’ve got to work at it. It’s not just the educational institutions that help to educate people. It’s the whole society. That is why I said I look at people as learners and non-learners. You can learn from life, and you can help other people to learn from life. So, you mustn’t despair. You mustn’t think: Oh, nothing is going right; people are not interested. You’ve got to work harder to interest them in a broader universe.

Q.33 (1:04:33)  What is your advice to people who are fighting for democracy for a long time in Hong Kong or in China or even other places over the world?  (提問者乃一年青傳媒人。)

A.33 (1:04:52)  I think the first thing is that something that they’ve got to ask themselves: why are they fighting for democracy? What are their beliefs? And if you’re very clear about what your beliefs are, then you can go on fighting, and you can always find new ways of carrying on the fight. But if you don’t know why you’re doing what you’re doing, then you cannot be effective. So, it’s a matter not just of faith, but also of thought. You’ve got to think up your philosophy, and you’ve got to think up your tactics and strategies very carefully.

Q.34 (1:05:43)  You’ve talked about the importance of education. I wonder what you think if there might be a danger that education could turn into a tool of propaganda for the government. That is, if the government controls the schools and the universities, then could education become a tool of the government?  (提問者是 Q.3 提問者秦家聰。)

A.34 (1:06:08)  Well, of course education is a tool of many, many governments. But in this day and age, I think we should be able to overcome this obstacle, because of the communication revolution. We should be able to reach people in other ways than through the formal educational institutions that follow the government line. This is why I was so very encouraged when on the day of my release, I saw young people with all the cell phones, which I’d never seen before I was place in the house arrest.

Q.35 (1:06:57)  I was about to ask the question that lady had asked: I understand you are a Buddhist, and I was wondering what part your Buddhist belief has played in keeping you up your faith in fighting for democracy in Burma. But maybe I should ask another question now then. What part do you think the Buddhist sangha could play in the democratic movement ofBurma?  (提問者乃老側。原本想問昂山素姬佛教理念在其為緬甸民主奮鬥過程中如何助她堅持下去,惟此問題已為別人問過,只好問她僧團在緬甸民主運動中擔當著什麽角色。)

A.35 (1:07:37)  The Buddhist sangha of course has always played a very, very important part in all political movements in our country. When we were fighting for our independence as well, the sangha again played a very important part. And, in our fight for democracy, again, the sangha had stood very strongly by the people. And this would continue, becauseBurmais a country where the great majority of the people are Buddhists, and we have great respect for our sangha, and our sangha understands that unless the people are treated with virtue and wisdom, the country can be neither wise nor virtuous.

Q.36 (1:08:37)  You are an icon of non-violence. What are your thoughts on the recent death of bin Laden?  (提問者乃一女士,並無自報身份。)

A.36 (1:08:48)  I have to admit again that I’m uncomfortable with people calling me an icon. But with regard to the recent death of bin Laden, it just showed that violence ends with violence, and there is too much violence already in our world, and we’ve got to try to do something about it. It is not that I’m thinking of it in purely moral or immoral terms as I did previously. I’m thinking of it in political terms: are we not educated enough, are we not intelligent enough, as the human race, to find solutions which are not violent? We should be able to do this. This should be part of our education. This should be every child’s education: to find ways and means of achieving the end that we wish for without resorting to violence.

後記:答問至此,錄像對談大致完結。突然昂山素姬家停電數秒 (1:10:01 – 1:11:06)。昂山素姬處變不驚,還以停電一事說笑 (“Well, I’m glad you get a taste of Burma.”; “It’s alright, we’re going to start a generation.”; “It’s a good thing that we can’t be made disappeared, not like electricity.”) 。

電力供應恢復後,由在昂山素姬家當主持的 Ian Holliday 提問。這段提問老側聽得不清楚。同時,在反復聽了三十六道問題及昂山素姬的回答後,已經有點筋疲力盡,因此決定不再費神去解聽此 Ian Holliday 的問題。粉絲們有興趣可自行觀看有關錄像片段 (1:11:11 – 1:11:42)。

昂山素姬回答後,就是 Ian Holliday 對此次錄像會談的總結,並對昂山素姬表示感謝的客氣話,然後是送贈兩份紀念品給昂山素姬:一份是港大百年紀念特刊,另一份是饒宗頤教授的題字:如蓮花在水。主持人陳祖為教授將此五字翻成英文:“Like a lotus flower floating on the water, conveying a sense of purity, untainted by the mud below.”

至此,Ian Holliday 請昂山素姬最後說幾句話。以下是老側聽得到的話 (1:14:23):“First of all, I’d like to say that I would like to think that we should all float above the muddy water like the useful lotuses. And also, I would like to say that I would like to have had a much longer discussion with you, but I was told to keep my answer slow and brief, and that’s why I had to keep them very, very brief, because there are so many things that we could discuss much further. I really appreciate this opportunity to get in touch with the Faculty of Hong Kong University, with their guest, and with the rest ofChinathrough you. Thank you very much for this rare opportunity, and I ??? many, many more in future.” 

錄像對談會到此完結,鏡頭中但見Ian Holliday和昂山素姬站起來,一左一右展開饒宗頤教授如蓮花在水的題字,陸佑堂中的參加者連老側在內則熱烈地鼓掌。

老側很慶幸參加了這次錄像對談,不僅是因為能與偶像透過現代科技疑似共聚一堂,還因為得以聽到偶像對一系列問題的闡述。這對談會雖然有些問題是預留給傳媒人及對談主持人發問,但也有開放予公眾人士提問,因此說得上是一次公開而非預定問題和答案的對談會。亦因此,老側也就特別敬重偶像昂山素姬,因她能在不預知提問人會提出怎樣的情況下聽到各式各樣的問題後,迅速做出得體、有內容、有深度的回答。這中間所需要的,並非簡單的所謂急才就能令人有如此表現,而是需要回答者對一己所投身的事業的熱忱、信心、義無反顧,以及崇高的道德修為。這些特質,陸佑堂中數百人都透過這次對談在昂山素姬身上看到。老側為緬甸人民有如此一位民主運動領袖而高興,也為中國在八九民運中欠缺如此修為的領袖人物而惋惜、傷感。

附: (一)五月三十日星期一昂山素姬對香港大學陸佑堂視像對談錄像連結:http://www0.hku.hk/socsc/assk/

二)網上維基百科有關昂山素姬的介紹:http://zh.wikipedia.org/wiki/%E7%BF%81%E5%B1%B1%E8%98%87%E5%A7%AC